Comptroller Peter Franchot
They just don’t get it – and they never will, so it seems.
As much as the intrepid Jake Weissmann, the formidable Alex Hughes and the robust institutional press want to call Franchot a loser – the more they attack him, the more bombs they launch at him – the stronger Franchot’s political base grows.
The Annapolis Machine has utterly failed in running a half-assed PR strategy, depicting Franchot as a dead man walking, politically speaking, that is.
But the Machine cannot plug their ears long enough to drown out the growing calls for Franchot to run for governor in 2022.
Oh, they hear it, every single day, loud and clear.
They just don’t get it.
Peter Franchot and Donald Trump may have extreme diverging political beliefs and philosophies (if Trump has any at all); however, it’s worth stating the obvious parallels between the two men: The coalitions that Franchot and Trump have built rests mostly on outsiders who feel their voices do not matter by the respective political machines.
Enough of this silly insider maundering about the loss of Franchot’s Field Enforcement Division. It has been said that Senate President Miller and the late Speaker Busch would have the votes to burn down the State House if they wished. So the fact that they had the votes to spend $50 million as retribution against an outspoken comptroller is hardly an accomplishment.
So much so, Jake Weissmann, the Senate President’s top aide – a nice guy with a gob of professional talent, whose competition for spinning pure and unadulterated BS to the press is only rivaled by Anthony Scaramucci and Kellyanne Conway – should step outside of his Senate office once and a while and join Franchot on the road to learn why so many Marylanders have broken up with the political establishment.
Maybe then the press wouldn’t have to sit through insufferable spin sessions in Weissmann’s office or hear yet another gripe about how mean and nasty Len Foxwell is. It gets old, Jake; but, hey, I get it. You have a job to do. It’s not personal.
The takeaways, for those outside the Annapolis bubble, are that leadership views Franchot as a sufficient threat to spend time and money of this magnitude on their retaliation scheme. And that, far from sending Franchot into retreat, these machinations have made him more popular on the hustings than ever before: He’s the singular symbol of the anti-machine resistance in an age of anti-machine politics.
Congratulations, Annapolis leadership and others, your anti-Franchot crusade only emboldened Franchot with millions of Marylanders (and growing), and his statewide star shines brighter than ever.